ចលនា​បាតុកម្ម​ប្រឆាំង​លទ្ធផល​ឆ្នោត​ឆ្នាំ​ ១៩៩៨ (២៣ សីហា​-២៥ វិចិ្ឋកា​)

បាតុកម្ម​ ១៩៩៨ ​២៣ សីហា-១៥ កញ្ញា ដោយ​ រដ្ឋាភិបាល​កម្ពុជា​ ដោយ​ ពុយ​ គា​

២៦ កក្កដា​ ១៩៩៨ ថ្ងៃ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ពី​ម៉ោង​ ៧ព្រឹក​ ដល់​ ៤ល្ងាច​ គណបក្ស​នយោបាយ​ចំនួន​ ៣៩។

២៩​ កក្កដា​ ១៩៩៨ គណបក្ស​ ១៤ តវ៉ា​ពី​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​មិន​យុត្តិធម៌​ ធ្វើ​ឡើង​ដោយ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​ ថា​មិន​ស្រប​ច្បាប់​និង​ក្លែង​បន្លំ​។

៤ សីហា​ ១៩៩៨ គណកម្មការ​ជាតិ​រៀប​ចំ​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ ប្រកាស​លទ្ធផល​ដំបូង​នៃ​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​។ គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​ ៦៤ ហ៊ុន​ស៊ិនប៉ិច​ ៤៣ និង​ សម​ រង្ស៊ី​​ ១៥។

២៣ សីហា​ ១៩៩៨ បាតុកម្ម​តវ៉ា​ប្រឆាំង​ចាប់​ផ្តើម​មុន​ពេល​ប្រជុំ​រដ្ឋ​សភា ​ទាម​ទារ​ឱ្យ​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ ចុះ​ចេញ​ពី​តំណែង​និង​ពិនិត្យ​មើល​ឡើង​វិញ​នូវ​ការ​ក្លែង​បន្លំ​សន្លឹក​ឆ្នោត​។

០១ កញ្ញា​ ១៩៩៨​ គណកម្មការ​ជាតិ​រៀប​ចំ​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ ប្រកាស​លទ្ធផល​ជា​ផ្លូវ​ការ​នៃ​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៦ កក្កដា​ ដោយ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​ ៦៤ ហ៊ុន​ស៊ិនប៉ិច​ ៤៣ និង​ សម​ រង្ស៊ី​​ ១៥។

០៧ កញ្ញា​ ១៩៩៨ (១៩៥០នាទី​យប់​)៖ ប៉ូលីស​បង្ក្រាប​ក្រុម​បាតុករ​ដោយ​ការ​បាញ់​និង​វាយ​ប្រហារ​នៅ​មុខ​សណ្ឋាគារ​កាំ​បូឌីយ៉ាណា​ ស្លាប់​អស់​ម្នាក់​និង​របួស​ជា​ច្រើន​នាក់​ទៀត​។

០៨ កញ្ញា​ ១៩៩៨​ ប៉ូលីស​បង្ក្រាប​ក្រុម​បាតុករ​នៅ​មុខ​រដ្ឋ​សភា​និង​នៅ​ផ្សារ​ធំ​ថ្មី​។

០៩ កញ្ញា​ ១៩៩៨​ អ្នក​ថត​រូប​ ទូរ​ទស្សន៍​ AP បាន​រង​របួស​នៅ​ពេល​ដែល​ប៉ូលីស​បំបែក​ក្រុម​បាតុករ​ នៅ​ជិត​ស្ថានទូត​អាមេរិក​។

១៥​ កញ្ញា​ បាតុកម្ម​តវ៉ា​ប្រឆាំង​បាន​បញ្ចប់​ (២៣ សីហា​ – ១៥ កញ្ញា ១៩៩៨)


Simon Springer-Cambodia’s Neoliberal Order_ Violence, Authoritarianism, and the Contestation of Public Space (Routledge Pacific Rim Geographies)-Routledge (2010)

”The protests that began on 24 August 1998, lasted a total of three weeks, as demonstrators erected a tent city across from the National Assembly in Democracy Square (Hughes 2002b, 2003b; Human Rights Watch 1998b).
The demonstrations took a violent turn on 7 September 1998, when Hun Sen found a pretext to move against the demonstrations following a grenade explosion near his home in Phnom Penh (Human Rights Watch 1998b;
Moorthy and Samreth Sopha 1998). He called for the arrest of opposition leaders, and hundreds of riot police moved in, destroyed the encampment, and drove the protesters out of the park. Although violence from below was
minimal, violence from above was apparent as the crowds were broken up by police and army personnel who resorted to using rifle butts and clubs to beat protesters into submission, which resulted in one civilian death (Hughes 2003b; Peou 2000; Post Staff 1998). However, when this failed to clear out the park, the police returned two days later on 9 September 1998. this time using electric cattle prods, gunfire, and a bulldozer (Peou 2000; Post Staff 1998). Two monks were killed in the protesters’ skirmishes with police, which provoked a public outcry (Chea Sotheacheath and Eckardt 1998; Pok Sokundara and Moorthy 1998). Hun Sen quickly moved to forbid monks from taking part in protests, and then banned demonstrations altogether. Yet the people defied the ban, and the following day about 8,000 people again took to the streets to participate in a march Jed by a large group of monks (Chea
Sotheacheath and Eckardt 1998; Hughes 2003b). Responding to the specter of violence from above, some of the protesters reacted with the threat of violence from below as several marchers were armed with bamboo sticks, stones, and even guns (Peou 2000). Thus. the totalitarian armor of Cambodia’s “deprivers” of public space was starting to crack as their control over the public domain had become too intense. This dominance resulted not in the continued submissiveness of the population, but from the perspective of those in power, the undesired effect of violent outbursts “from below” against the oppression of an exploitative social order. The government crackdown continued and eventually the protests subsided, although the political deadlock persisted. In all, 26 lives were lost during the crackdown, and in the following days it another 18 bodies were discovered lying in irrigation ditches, ponds, and rivers around Phnom Penh (Bou Saroeun 1998; Peou 2000). Finally, on 25 November 1998 Ranariddh struck a deal with Hun Sen to form a new coalition government (Hayes 1998), while the SRP was left out of the deal,
and viewed FUNCJNPEC as having sold out to the CPP (Peou 2000).”